By William D. Davies
ISBN-10: 1402061757
ISBN-13: 9781402061752
ISBN-10: 1402061765
ISBN-13: 9781402061769
Raising and regulate have figured in each entire version of syntax for 40 years. fresh renewed recognition to them makes this assortment a well timed one. The contributions, representing the most fascinating fresh paintings, handle many basic study questions. What beside the canonical structures will be topic to elevating or keep watch over analyses? What structures typically handled as elevating or keep watch over will possibly not truly be so? What sessions of keep an eye on has to be famous? How do demanding, contract, or clausal completeness determine of their distribution? The chapters handle those and different correct matters, and produce new empirical facts into focus.
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Extra resources for New Horizons in the Analysis of Control and Raising
Sample text
Gerunds, unlike nominalizations, do not allow long-distance control without c-command: (44) a. John1’s mother2 supported the decision [PRO to vindicate himself1/herself2/oneself] b. John1’s mother2 supported deciding [PRO to vindicate herself/*himself/*oneself] (45) a. John’s mother was in favor of the refusal [PRO to vindicate himself/oneself/herself] b. John’s mother was in favor of refusing [PRO to vindicate herself/ *himself] The greater flexibility of nominalizations with respect to absence of c-command can be shown to be independent of control of the embedded subject.
The use of these three foil types allows for the pinpointing of any difficulties in comprehension, whether it be with determining who is doing the thinking (MR foils), with who is performing the action mentioned in the embedded clause (ER foils), or both (DR foils). On any given trial, the child was always presented with the correct picture and one of the three foil types. Each of these foil types was tested six times per condition. Each child thus saw 18 items for the think-condition, unraised-condition, and raised-condition (only 12 items were used for the active-control condition).
In light of raising in DP, objections to control as movement based on its absence should also be reevaluated. While a fuller understanding of control in DP awaits further study, the comparison of nominalizations with gerunds may suggest that control in DP is consistently of the obligatory variety and in this respect is compatible with the distribution of raising. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For valuable and insightful comments I thank the audiences to which parts of this paper have been presented: at GLOW (2005) at the University of Geneva, the RAISING IN DP REVISITED 33 University of Southern California, UCLA, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, the ‘New Horizons in the Grammar of Raising and Control’ workshop at Harvard University, Ben Gurion University, CUNY, and the University of Maryland.
New Horizons in the Analysis of Control and Raising by William D. Davies
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