By Georg von Rauch
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A n d now Lenin hammered his program of action into the ears of his audiences: liquidation of the standing army and the police, liquidation of the bureaucracy, socialization of the banks, control by the workers of production and distribution of goods, division of the land among the peasants. The effect of his first speech was tremendous. No one had expected such a degree of radicalism. "I shall never forget the speech," writes the Socialist N . Sukhanov, "which broke like lightning over the assembly and shook and confused not only me .
His speech sounded staccato and unmusical. * But they, too, were aware of its persuasive power. A n d nowhere was it more effective than among the working class. He communicated the irresistible feeling that here was a man of the people, although neither by birth nor occupation could Lenin be called a proletarian, ^ u t even beyond these circles grew"tEeconviction that the millions of the downtrodden and oppressed in the great country of Russia had at last found a spokesman in this thick-set man with the intellectual brow and the diabolic glitter in his eyes; a spokesman who really wanted selflessly to serve their cause and not his own.
The last common Party Congress convened in London in May, 1907. Among the Bolsheviks attending, aside from Lenin, were Voroshilov, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Stalin and Maxim Gorky; among the Mensheviks besides Plekhanov, Axelrod, Martov, the Georgian Irakli Tseretelli achieved notice; and among the Polish delegates, Rosa Luxemburg. 105 Bolshevik delegates and 97 Mensheviks attended. The Polish, Latvian and Jewish Social Democrats were again represented; the first two cooperated with the Bolsheviks, the latter with the Mensheviks.
A History of Soviet Russia by Georg von Rauch
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