By Magnus Blomstrom
Considers the very diversified conclusions which are drawn concerning the spillover impression of establishment company on host nations. This e-book might be of curiosity to scholars and teachers in economics, overseas enterprise and improvement stories.
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Extra resources for Foreign Investment and Spillovers
There was a mechanism in place for sharing the profits and the gas/oil. Therefore, when Mukesh decided to sell gas to Anil at a fixed price, and the Bombay High Court stated that the contract between the two Ambani brothers was binding, the government woke up. What now dawned upon it was that if the Ambani agreement was permitted, then other private operators who had been granted exploration licences could sell the oil and/or gas to their affiliates, friends, relatives, or anyone else at whatever prices they wanted, which might or might not be related to prevailing market prices.
His way of thinking became apparent when the group launched its telecom venture, Reliance Infocomm. Although it was said to be Dhirubhai’s dream to make voice calls on mobile phones cheaper than a 50-paise postcard, Infocomm was essentially Mukesh’s baby, with neither Anil nor any of his representatives on the company’s board of directors. The holding structure is worth looking at. Reliance Infocomm’s parent company was Reliance Communications Infrastructure Limited (RCIL) which held a majority stake.
V. Narasimha Rao government, with Manmohan Singh as finance minister, initiated policies of economic liberalisation. The author of the Economist survey, Clive Crook, singled out the Reliance group for criticism. He wrote that the group symbolised all that was wrong with India, how the country’s corporate captains took advantage of favourable regulations to build monopolistic empires. The system smacked of nepotism and corruption. The reference to his empire upset Dhirubhai. He reportedly vowed that henceforth the world would look up to Reliance.
Foreign Investment and Spillovers by Magnus Blomstrom