By Liliana Riga
ISBN-10: 1107014220
ISBN-13: 9781107014220
This comparative ancient sociology of the Bolshevik revolutionaries bargains a reinterpretation of political radicalization within the final years of the Russian Empire. discovering that two-thirds of the Bolshevik management have been ethnic minorities - Ukrainians, Latvians, Georgians, Jews, and others - this publication examines the shared stories of assimilation and socioethnic exclusion that underlay their category universalism. It means that imperial rules towards the Empire's range radicalized classification and ethnicity as intersectional stories, developing an assimilated yet excluded elite: lower-class Russians and middle-class minorities universalized specific exclusions as they disproportionately sustained the commercial and political burdens of conserving the multiethnic Russian Empire. The Bolsheviks' social identities and routes to innovative radicalism exhibit in particular how a class-universalist politics was once beautiful to these looking secularism in line with spiritual tensions, a universalist politics the place ethnic and geopolitical insecurities have been exclusionary, and a tolerant "imperial" imaginary the place Russification and intolerant repressions have been so much keenly felt.
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Extra resources for The Bolsheviks and the Russian Empire
Sample text
In important ways, the sociology of the empire’s nationalities policies was intimately connected to the logic of empire itself. Policies were repressive or exclusionary for fear of cultural inluence or for fear of local, non-Russian rule at the provincial level where local elites were disloyal or “exploitative” (Poles, Ukrainians, Jews, and Muslim peasants); but the state tread lighter where local elites and nobles were loyally inside the imperial bureaucracy or aristocracy supporting the imperial state (Baltic Germans, Georgian nobles in Kutais and Tilis, Tatar nobles in the Caucasus, Crimea, and the Volga).
And in his analysis of the composition of the party between 1917 and 1922, Schapiro focused on the youth of the party (in 1919, one-half of the party was under thirty). He found that that they had little political experience, and that based on a Soviet study in 1920, only 8% had secondary school education and 5% had received higher education (Schapiro 1960: 233). Schapiro found, and other scholars have generally concurred, that Jews abounded in the lower levels of the party machinery, especially in the Cheka and the GPU/OGPU (All-State Political Administration or Directorate) and NKVD (secret police) of 1937 in which more than 11% of the 407 oficials were of Jewish origin (Schapiro 1968: 286).
He concluded that the RSDLP was primarily a working-class party and not a party of middle-class intellectuals (Lane 1975: 17–27). Based on regional studies of the RSDLP in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Ivanono-Voznesensk, Tver, Ekaterinoslav, Baku, and Omsk, Lane found that while the Bolsheviks remained tightly connected to the working class and tended to be more downwardly mobile than the Mensheviks, their strength lay in the Russian-speaking areas of the empire (Central Russia and the Urals), whereas the Mensheviks received greater support in the south and in the Caucasus among national minorities.
The Bolsheviks and the Russian Empire by Liliana Riga
by Jason
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